PECA 2025: What Changed, and Why It's Contested

Pakistan’s cybercrime law was rewritten in January 2025, and it now touches almost anyone who posts, forwards, or shares anything online. Most coverage of it has come from one side or the other: government statements calling it necessary, or protest coverage calling it repressive. This piece lays out what the law actually does, what each side argues, and where the legal fight over it stands right now.

The starting point: PECA 2016

The Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) was originally passed in 2016 to give Pakistan a legal framework for cybercrime: unauthorized access to systems, data damage, and electronic fraud. It was controversial even then, criticized by rights groups for vague language that could be used against critics rather than criminals.

What changed in January 2025

The Prevention of Electronic Crimes (Amendment) Act, 2025 was introduced in the National Assembly on January 22, moved through both houses within days, and was signed into law by President Asif Ali Zardari on January 30, 2025 (Recording Law, data privacy guide). Three changes matter most:

A new content regulator. The amendment creates the Social Media Protection and Regulatory Authority (SMPRA), a nine-member body with the power to order social media platforms to block or remove content it deems “unlawful or offensive” within 24 hours, and to suspend or deregister non-compliant platforms (RSIL legal analysis; SAHSOL critical analysis).

A new criminal offense for “fake news.” Section 26A criminalizes knowingly spreading false information likely to cause fear, panic, or unrest, carrying a penalty of up to three years in prison and a fine of up to Rs 2 million, roughly $7,150 (ITIF policy brief).

A new investigation agency. Cybercrime investigation, previously handled by the FIA’s Cyber Crime Wing, moved to the newly formed National Cyber Crime Investigation Agency (NCCIA), a body we’ve covered separately on CyberWalk (NCHR report on PECA 2025).

Appeals against SMPRA decisions go to a new Social Media Protection Tribunal, whose rulings can only be challenged directly at the Supreme Court, bypassing the high courts (IFJ, January 2025).

The government’s case

Information Minister Attaullah Tarar defended the law by arguing it targets a real problem: fake news, harassment, pornography, child abuse material, and threats to national security spreading on digital platforms unchecked. He noted that SMPRA’s private-sector nominees would include an IT expert and a journalist, and that tribunal decisions could still reach the Supreme Court (Dawn, “Govt defends Peca move”). Prime Minister’s adviser Barrister Aqeel Malik described the final law as a “watered-down” version of the original draft (Dawn). Information Minister Shaza Fatima Khawaja, defending the law separately, argued that people who report accurately have nothing to fear from it (VOA News).

The opposition’s case

The response from press bodies, digital rights groups, and international organizations was largely unified. The Pakistan Federal Union of Journalists (PFUJ) called the amendment undemocratic and announced nationwide protests (IFJ). Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch both said the law’s vague definitions of “false” and “offensive” content risk being used against legitimate journalism and dissent rather than the harms it claims to target (Amnesty International; HRW comment via SAHSOL). The Digital Rights Foundation, in a report examining PECA’s history, argued the law has repeatedly been used to chill press freedom despite its stated purpose (Digital Rights Foundation, “Bytes Behind Bars”). Pakistan’s National Commission for Human Rights, in a 2026 review of the amendment, flagged the law’s concentration of content-removal power in the executive branch and the lack of stakeholder consultation before it passed (NCHR report).

A recurring, specific concern across these groups: the law was drafted and passed in roughly two weeks, without a public draft being shared for feedback beforehand (Bytes for All / FORUM-ASIA joint statement).

Where it stands now

The law is in force and has already been used. In June 2025, a magistrate in Islamabad ordered the closure of 27 YouTube channels, including several run by independent journalists; a higher court later reversed that order (Voicepk.net). Legal challenges to the amendment itself are ongoing in the Lahore High Court (Daily Times), the Supreme Court (Business Recorder), and the Islamabad High Court, where the PFUJ filed its own petition (JournalismPakistan, July 2026), with petitioners arguing the law exceeds constitutional limits on free expression. None of these challenges had reached a final verdict as of this writing.

Why this matters if you’re not a journalist or lawyer

If you post online in Pakistan, PECA 2025 applies to you, not just to media organizations. The “false information” offense in Section 26A is written broadly enough to cover anyone forwarding a claim that turns out to be inaccurate, not only its original source. Understanding what counts as risk under this law, and how the government and courts are actually applying it in practice, is relevant to anyone active on social media in Pakistan, not just working journalists.

We’ll keep this page updated as the pending court cases are decided.

Full source list:

PECA 2025: What the Amended Cybercrime Law Actually Changes, and Why It’s Contested